Activist party-list group Anakpawis yesterday
slammed the grave abuse of power by the Department of Agrarian Reform
(DAR) to dictate the ongoing process to audit Hacienda Luisita Inc.
(HLI).
The group said the DAR is continuously pushing the two audit firms
that have previous link to the Cojuangco’s HLI to participate in its de
facto bidding procedure.
In a statement, Anakpawis party-list vice
chairman Fernando Hicap said the DAR is extending its “power trip” up to
the point that it is meddling on the ongoing process to choose an
independent audit firm to look into HLI records.
Such records
supposedly pertain to the P1.33 billion HLI owes to farm worker
beneficiaries for the selling of more than 500 hectares of land parcel
to Rizal Commercial Banking Corporation (RCBC) and North Luzon
Expressway (Nlex) management.
“Despite the resounding and majority decision of parties involved in
the auditing process namely the Alyansa ng mga Manggagawang Bukid sa
loob ng Asyenda Luisita, 1989 Original Farmer Beneficiaries, Farmers for
Agrarian Reform Movement, Inc., Luisita Supervisory Union of Hacienda
Luisita Inc., the United Luisita Workers Union, and by Mr. Noel Mallari
to get the Ocampo, Mendoza, Leung, Lim and Co. service to look into
HLI’s records.
DAR quickly rejected the groups’ position and
maintained that the Reyes-Tacandong and Co and the KPMG with a local
counterpart Manabat Sanagustin and Co. — two firms that previously
audited HLI — can apply for the job” Hicap said.
Anakpawis said the
move by the DAR to bypass the decision of the majority of the
stakeholders is beyond its mandate and runs counter with the farm
workers interest.
“It is not only DAR delaying the process but its
also making the beneficiaries powerless. The DAR once again shows its
brazen arrogance and contempt over their clients’ prerogative. It is an
abuse of their mandate,” the group said.
But the activist party-list
group expressed optimism the auditing process will be convincing and
acceptable to involved parties if DAR should end its politicking and
keep HLI out of the picture.
“Clearly, the Cojuangco-led HLI dictates
the phase of the audit process. DAR was merely their instrument to
legitimize its part on the auditing despite it is the one subjected for
financial scrutiny. Just like their maneuvers on the distribution
process. This is their gameplan to deliberately mislead the process to
prolong the audit because the president and his relatives have no plans
to open HLI books of records unless it is done by no other than their
trusted cohorts inside the Reyes-Tacandong and KPMG to absolve them on
paying the P1.33 billion they owed to the farm worker beneficiaries. HLI
and its audit firm cohorts should be banned from the process,” Hicap
said.
Meanwhile, braving the 37-degree summer heat, more than 200
Hacienda Luisita farmers and supporters started their caravan to Manila
this morning, according to militant Web site bulatlat.com.
Dubbed as
“Lakbayan para sa Libreng Pamamahagi ng Lupa sa Hacienda Luisita,” the
activity marks the first year of the Supreme Court decision ordering the
distribution of some 6,000-hectare sugar plantation controlled by the
family of President Aquino.
Led by the Kilusang Magbubukid ng
Pilipinas (KMP), Unyon ng mga Manggagawa sa Agrikultura UMA, Alyansa ng
mga Manggagawang Bukid sa Asyenda Luisita (Ambala) and the United
Luisita Workers Union (ULWU), the farmers started their march from
Hacienda Luisita in Tarlac province.
As of yesterday afternoon, the marchers have reached San Nicolas Church in Capas, Tarlac.
They were expected to arrive and spend the night in Angeles City in Pampanga.
“It
has been a year since the Supreme Court decided to distribute the
Hacienda and we are back on the streets to continue our fight for the
free distribution of lands,” ULWU chairman Lito Bais said in a
statement.
“We cannot trust the DAR to distribute the lands as it is
clearly an instrument of the Cojuangco-Aquinos to perpetuate their
control over our lands,” Bais said.
In the same vein, Anakpawis Rep.
Rafael Mariano said, “There is no truth to the Department of Agrarian
Reform’s claim that the distribution of Hacienda Luisita is on track.
Twelve months after the SC decision, farmworker-beneficiaries are still
waiting in vain to own the lands that they have tilled for decades.”
The DAR is mandated to implement the high court decision, released in February, the final list of beneficiaries.
A
week after, Agrarian Reform Sec.Virgilio delos Reyes said farm workers
will not get any land if they will not sign a written commitment to pay
for the land and to make it productive.
“As long as Aquino controls
the DAR and the sham Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program remains, the
farm workers should be ready for another protracted battle to reclaim
Hacienda Luisita from the Cojuangcos,” KMP deputy sec. gen. Willy
Marbella said.
The famers also challenged senatorial candidates to
replace the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) with “a new and
genuine agrarian reform law to realize the free distribution of
Hacienda Luisita.”
“The bogus CARP is the biggest stumbling block to Hacienda Luisita’s distribution,” Marbella said.
He
maintained that “the CARP was crafted by the Cojuangcos” to evade the
distribution of the sugar plantation to its farm workers.
In 1989,
during the administration of the late president Corazon Aquino, the
Cojuangcos made use of the stock distribution option scheme of the CARP
to evade actual land distribution.”
“Today, the Cojuangcos are making
use of the provisions of the CARP to deny the farm workers of their
hard-earned legal victory,” Marbella said.
Ipinapakita ang mga post na may etiketa na deformed baby. Ipakita ang lahat ng mga post
Ipinapakita ang mga post na may etiketa na deformed baby. Ipakita ang lahat ng mga post
Martes, Agosto 26, 2014
MAY SIRA SA ULO SI KIM HENARES
Mga etiketa:
daang,
DAANG TUWAD,
dandruff,
deception,
deformed baby,
DEPRESSED,
DIMACULANGAN,
disease,
dracula,
PSG,
quezon,
RAZON
OPINION
Seditious
- Written by Tribune Wires
- Monday, 25 August 2014 00:00
Why would President Aquino III seek
to weaken the Supreme Court? Has he gone mad? He already made Congress an
adjunct of the Presidency by usurping the congressional power of the
purse. Shouldn’t he be working for the strengthening of political
institutions as a way of making the country’s budding democracy stronger and
enduring?
If Mr. Aquino was truly committed to a system of government that is different from the authoritarian regime that the 1987 Constitution sought to replace, he should embrace, not fight, the Supreme Court decision that ruled his Disbursement Acceleration Program (DAP) unconstitutional.
The Philippine Constitutional Association (Philconsa) was right when it described as “seditious or treasonous” President Aquino’s motion for the Supreme Court to reconsider its unanimous ruling that the DAP is unconstitutional.
“To initiate or encourage any measure to subvert or undermine or spoil the enforcement of the unanimous decision of the Court applying and interpreting the Constitution is seditious or treasonous. It is a mutiny against the Constitution,” Philconsa warned.
Why should Mr. Aquino try to weaken the Judiciary, and consequently strengthen the Presidency, when the Philippine president is unquestionably already very powerful. In fact, the Philippine president is stronger than the President of the United States, the mightiest militarily and most democratic country on Planet Earth.
In a tripartite system of government – the Executive, the Legislature, and the Judiciary – the President, representing the Executive Department, is primus inter pares (a first among equals).
The President is the Commander-in-Chief of 129,780-strong armed forces of the Philippines. He commands a 196,245 police officers and men of the Philippine National Police. In most countries, peace and order is a local concern and thus implemented by local authorities. In the Philippines, the Philippine National Police is national in scope and hence under the direct
command and supervision of the President.
The President supervises all local government units – the 81 provinces, 144 cities, 1,490 municipalities, and 42,028 barangays.
The President is the country’s chief executive officer (CEO). He is the boss of some 1.2 million civil servants. Compare that with Congress’ 6,084 workers (one half of one percent of the entire bureaucracy, and with the Judiciary’s 25,247 justices and court employees, or about 2.1 percent of the entire bureaucracy.
The President commands an army and a national police. He controls the biggest chunk of government resources. Remember, he is just one individual exercising all these awesome powers. He can be a virtual dictator within the Executive Department. He can decide quickly and implement such decision promptly.
By contrast, the other co-equal branches of government – Congress and the Supreme Court – are collegial bodies. Decision-making is slow, oftentimes tedious, and decisions are arrived at through consensus. Notice, for example, how long it took the High Court to decide on the DAP issue.
Once a law is passed, Congress has no way of compelling the President to implement it; hence, the existence of many unfunded and unimplemented laws. Unless some concerned individuals or groups bring the case to the Supreme Court, there is no way such unimplemented laws may be enforced. Congress has no army of its own.
But even if the Supreme Court rules against the President, the High Court has no way of compelling the President to implement its decision. The Supreme Court, too, has no army of its own.
That is why honoring and respecting the rule of law is expected of all public officials. No less than the President has sworn to “uphold and defend” the Constitution of the Philippines.
Relative to the President, Congress is weaker because of its bicameral structure. In order to control Congress, all that the President has to do is control one of the two Houses of Congress. Mr. Aquino controls both Houses.
ON BUDGET MAKING AND IMPLEMENTATION, PHILIPPINE PRESIDENT IS MORE POWERFUL THAN THE US PRESIDENT
On budget making and implementation, the Philippine president is more powerful than the US president. First, the Philippine president has line-item veto power. Through it, the president may line out specific items in the General Appropriations Bill (GAB) and then sign the modified bill into law.
By comparison, the US President does not have line-item veto power. US Presidents have been asking for line-item veto power for a long time. It was in 1876, during President Grant’s term of office, that the line-item veto power was first raised before Congress. In 1996, the US Congress passed the Line Item Veto Act, which then President Clinton signed into law.
Several senators challenged it and raised the issue before the US Supreme Court, which found the law unconstitutional. The High Court ruled that the law violates the Presentment and Bicameral Clauses of the Constitution (Article I, Section 7, Clauses 2 and 3) that vests Congress with “all legislative powers.” Moreover, the “Non-delegation Doctrine” holds that one branch can’t transfer its constitutional powers to another branch or entity.
Second, in implementing the budget the Philippine president is not constrained by an Impoundment Control Act (ICA 1974), which the US president has to face. The ICA 1974 restricts the President’s power to impound appropriations.
The ICA 1974 gave the US President the power to both delay the expenditure of funds (deferral authority) and to cancel funds (rescission authority). But, to rescind funds, the President needs congressional concurrence within 45 days. In practice, Congress has ignored most Presidential requests to cancel funds.
Third, under existing Philippine budget rules, the budget of the previous year is automatically reenacted should Congress fail to approve the ensuing budget before the start of the fiscal year. Hence, there does not exist any threat that government operations will come to a halt should Congress delay the passage of a new general appropriations act.
In reality, Congress may not hold the President hostage by threatening to stall budget approval. In the US, the threat of stalling the approval of the budget (s) [since the US Congress approves several disparate budgets], and hence closing down part of government, is all too real. It has happened before and it could happen again in the future.
The US President is subject to ‘blackmail’ by an uncooperative Congress; the Philippine President is not since the Constitution provides for the automatic reenactment of the previous budget pending approval of a new budget.
All the foregoing discussions point to one indisputable fact: the powers of the Philippine President vis-à-vis Congress and the Judiciary are, right now, quite awesome.
The Philippine president’s budget formulation and implementation powers are even more formidable than those of the US President.
Hence, Mr. Aquino’s obsession to weaken the Supreme Court, and by implication strengthen the powers of the President, is at best, quizzical, and at worst, insane.
In his final days in Malacanang, Mr. Aquino should seek to rebuild and strengthen, rather than weaken, political institutions. In addition, he should spend his limited time solving the more crucial social and economic problems like hunger, poverty, unemployment, and the crumbling public infrastructure
If Mr. Aquino was truly committed to a system of government that is different from the authoritarian regime that the 1987 Constitution sought to replace, he should embrace, not fight, the Supreme Court decision that ruled his Disbursement Acceleration Program (DAP) unconstitutional.
The Philippine Constitutional Association (Philconsa) was right when it described as “seditious or treasonous” President Aquino’s motion for the Supreme Court to reconsider its unanimous ruling that the DAP is unconstitutional.
“To initiate or encourage any measure to subvert or undermine or spoil the enforcement of the unanimous decision of the Court applying and interpreting the Constitution is seditious or treasonous. It is a mutiny against the Constitution,” Philconsa warned.
Why should Mr. Aquino try to weaken the Judiciary, and consequently strengthen the Presidency, when the Philippine president is unquestionably already very powerful. In fact, the Philippine president is stronger than the President of the United States, the mightiest militarily and most democratic country on Planet Earth.
In a tripartite system of government – the Executive, the Legislature, and the Judiciary – the President, representing the Executive Department, is primus inter pares (a first among equals).
The President is the Commander-in-Chief of 129,780-strong armed forces of the Philippines. He commands a 196,245 police officers and men of the Philippine National Police. In most countries, peace and order is a local concern and thus implemented by local authorities. In the Philippines, the Philippine National Police is national in scope and hence under the direct
command and supervision of the President.
The President supervises all local government units – the 81 provinces, 144 cities, 1,490 municipalities, and 42,028 barangays.
The President is the country’s chief executive officer (CEO). He is the boss of some 1.2 million civil servants. Compare that with Congress’ 6,084 workers (one half of one percent of the entire bureaucracy, and with the Judiciary’s 25,247 justices and court employees, or about 2.1 percent of the entire bureaucracy.
The President commands an army and a national police. He controls the biggest chunk of government resources. Remember, he is just one individual exercising all these awesome powers. He can be a virtual dictator within the Executive Department. He can decide quickly and implement such decision promptly.
By contrast, the other co-equal branches of government – Congress and the Supreme Court – are collegial bodies. Decision-making is slow, oftentimes tedious, and decisions are arrived at through consensus. Notice, for example, how long it took the High Court to decide on the DAP issue.
Once a law is passed, Congress has no way of compelling the President to implement it; hence, the existence of many unfunded and unimplemented laws. Unless some concerned individuals or groups bring the case to the Supreme Court, there is no way such unimplemented laws may be enforced. Congress has no army of its own.
But even if the Supreme Court rules against the President, the High Court has no way of compelling the President to implement its decision. The Supreme Court, too, has no army of its own.
That is why honoring and respecting the rule of law is expected of all public officials. No less than the President has sworn to “uphold and defend” the Constitution of the Philippines.
Relative to the President, Congress is weaker because of its bicameral structure. In order to control Congress, all that the President has to do is control one of the two Houses of Congress. Mr. Aquino controls both Houses.
ON BUDGET MAKING AND IMPLEMENTATION, PHILIPPINE PRESIDENT IS MORE POWERFUL THAN THE US PRESIDENT
On budget making and implementation, the Philippine president is more powerful than the US president. First, the Philippine president has line-item veto power. Through it, the president may line out specific items in the General Appropriations Bill (GAB) and then sign the modified bill into law.
By comparison, the US President does not have line-item veto power. US Presidents have been asking for line-item veto power for a long time. It was in 1876, during President Grant’s term of office, that the line-item veto power was first raised before Congress. In 1996, the US Congress passed the Line Item Veto Act, which then President Clinton signed into law.
Several senators challenged it and raised the issue before the US Supreme Court, which found the law unconstitutional. The High Court ruled that the law violates the Presentment and Bicameral Clauses of the Constitution (Article I, Section 7, Clauses 2 and 3) that vests Congress with “all legislative powers.” Moreover, the “Non-delegation Doctrine” holds that one branch can’t transfer its constitutional powers to another branch or entity.
Second, in implementing the budget the Philippine president is not constrained by an Impoundment Control Act (ICA 1974), which the US president has to face. The ICA 1974 restricts the President’s power to impound appropriations.
The ICA 1974 gave the US President the power to both delay the expenditure of funds (deferral authority) and to cancel funds (rescission authority). But, to rescind funds, the President needs congressional concurrence within 45 days. In practice, Congress has ignored most Presidential requests to cancel funds.
Third, under existing Philippine budget rules, the budget of the previous year is automatically reenacted should Congress fail to approve the ensuing budget before the start of the fiscal year. Hence, there does not exist any threat that government operations will come to a halt should Congress delay the passage of a new general appropriations act.
In reality, Congress may not hold the President hostage by threatening to stall budget approval. In the US, the threat of stalling the approval of the budget (s) [since the US Congress approves several disparate budgets], and hence closing down part of government, is all too real. It has happened before and it could happen again in the future.
The US President is subject to ‘blackmail’ by an uncooperative Congress; the Philippine President is not since the Constitution provides for the automatic reenactment of the previous budget pending approval of a new budget.
All the foregoing discussions point to one indisputable fact: the powers of the Philippine President vis-à-vis Congress and the Judiciary are, right now, quite awesome.
The Philippine president’s budget formulation and implementation powers are even more formidable than those of the US President.
Hence, Mr. Aquino’s obsession to weaken the Supreme Court, and by implication strengthen the powers of the President, is at best, quizzical, and at worst, insane.
In his final days in Malacanang, Mr. Aquino should seek to rebuild and strengthen, rather than weaken, political institutions. In addition, he should spend his limited time solving the more crucial social and economic problems like hunger, poverty, unemployment, and the crumbling public infrastructure
Mga etiketa:
DAANG TUWAD,
deception,
deformed baby,
dellosa,
DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE,
disease
Lunes, Setyembre 2, 2013
FAMILY OF TRAITORS
MRT EXTORTIONISTS AND MEDIA WHORES
BALLSY AQUINO THE EXTORTIONIST
FROM GRANDFATHER TO GRANDSON, TRAITOR!
LET US PUT THEM ON THE FIRING SQUAD AT LUNETA PARK!
FROM GRANDFATHER TO GRANDSON, TRAITOR!
LET US PUT THEM ON THE FIRING SQUAD AT LUNETA PARK!
Mga etiketa:
cojuangco,
CORRUPT,
criminal luisita,
CRIMINALS,
crook,
DAANG TUWAD,
DANGEROUS,
deception,
deformed baby,
malandi,
maligno,
MANIAC,
MANGGAGAMIT,
masasamang tao,
MASTURBATE,
MATAKAW,
matsing,
MINDLESS,
mongrel president
Sabado, Mayo 11, 2013
PAGBABARILIN NIYO NA KASI SILA
DAR slammed for Luisita audit process maneuvering
- Written by Charlie V. Manalo
- Sunday, 12 May 2013 00:00
Mga etiketa:
abs cbn,
AIRPORT,
bacteria,
behavioral deviance,
bureau,
chlorophyll,
club,
deformed baby,
DILG,
dishonor,
makati,
MANILA,
manila times,
mas UNGGOY RIN,
masasamang tao,
MATAKAW,
matsing,
PRESIDENTE
Linggo, Abril 28, 2013
A SERIOUS SECURITY RISK, THIS MONKEY SHOULD BE RELIEVED AS COMMISSIONER OF IMMIGRATION!!!
THIS GUY DOES NOT KNOW WHAT HE IS DOING.
MALEDUCATED, UNDERNOURISHED, INTELLECTUALLY AND INCOMPARABLY INFERIOR TO FORMER COMMISSIONERS RUFUS RODRIGUEZ AND MIRIAM SANTIAGO AND WORSE, HE DOES NOT READ WHAT HE IS SIGNING!
HE IS A CERTIFIED ASSHOLE AND A RETARD!
CALLING THE CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSION AND OMBUDSMAN INTELLIGENCE GROUP!
DAVID HAS BEEN ISSUING A LOT OF ILLEGAL PERSONNEL ORDERS AND MEMORANDUMS.
HE IS ALSO PROTECTED BY HIS MISTRESS WHO ACTS AS IF SHE WAS THE HEAD OF THE IMMIGRATION OFFICE..
TONIA MANGROBANG, MAY ASAWA KA NA HOY!
Mga etiketa:
BIG CUNT VAGINA,
defective personality,
deformed baby,
DEPRESSED,
DOJ,
DYSFUNCTIONAL,
FECES,
GOVERNMENT,
greedy,
neurotic,
OMBUDSMAN,
OPPORTUNISTS,
OPPRESSION,
tuwad na landas,
unstable,
wangwang policy,
WEALTH
Sabado, Marso 2, 2013
Martes, Enero 29, 2013
BULOK TALAGA
Do you know the reason why Manny Pangilinan, the progressive business tycoon of the Philippines, almost called it quits from this country a year ago???
It's not only because of the GREEDY ATENEO ANTI-MINING-PRO MONEY JESUITS.
It's because of the FUCKING SYSTEM created by OUR GREEDY AND IDIOT PRESIDENT, WHO BY THE WAY IS A PRODUCT OF THAT JESUIT MONEY-MAKING SCHOOL!
Two years ago, Manny Pangilinan won in a government bidding for the building, operation and transfer of the MRT System. However, sa inggit ng mga "Makati Boys" ni Pnoy, they pressured Noy's government to declare an anomaly in the bidding process, thereby declaring a failure of BIDDING.
What happened?
Manny Pangilinan offerred the best deal during the time (advantageous to the government), but ginulo nila ang processo para makapasok mga KAIBIGAN ni Pnoy.
Siyempre gusto ng mga "elite friends" ni Pnoy na sila makakuha ng project na ito. Eh di ano pa kundi basahin niyo nalang ang nasa ibaba:
Finance clears MRT 7 deal with San Miguel
By Lailany P. Gomez | Posted on Jan. 30, 2013 at 12:02am |
336 views
The Finance Department endorsed the
revised contract between the government and San Miguel Corp. for the
long-delayed Metro Rail Transit Line 7 project.
Transportation Undersecretary Jose
Perpetuo Lotilla told reporters the Finance Department cleared the improved
concession contract submitted by the proponent.
“The DoF has approved the project’s
implementation. So, hoping they [the government and the proponent] signed the
contract, the DoF will then issue a performance undertaking and it’s a go,”
Lotilla told reporters at the sidelines of the Tribuna España-Filipinas forum.
He said the implementing guidelines
of the project were also approved.
“After that, it will go to [National
Economic and Development Authority-ICC] and goes back to the DoF for issuance
of performance undertaking,” Lotilla said.
The Finance Department in July last
year asked San Miguel to seek the approval of the Neda again, after the company
failed to have financial closure for the project within the target date of
December 2010.
San Miguel and partner Universal LRT
Corp. were scheduled to begin construction of MRT 7 in 2010, but failed to
mobilize funds for the start of the construction.
San Miguel acquired the right to
construct and operate the 22-kilometer rail project from North Ave. in Quezon
City to San Jose del Monte City in Bulacan, after it executed a deal to buy 51
percent of Universal LRT, the original proponent.
The diversified conglomerate,
however, failed to secure a financial closure for the project, or the guarantee
from equity holders or debt financier to provide or mobilize funding, within
schedule.
Universal LRT earlier said $320
million of the project’s cost would be financed by equity and the remaining
$900 million to $1 billion by borrowings.
San Miguel, in a bid to gain more
supporters, signed an agreement with Marubeni Corp. of Japan and DM Consunji
Inc. in 2012 to build the rail project. San Miguel also obtained a 25-year
concession.
The project involves the
construction of a 22-kilometer train line with 14 stations from the corner of
North Avenue and Epifanio de los Santos Avenue in Quezon City to San Jose del
Monte City in Bulacan.
It will be linked with the MRT Line
3 and the Light Rail Transit Line 1 through a common station in North Avenue.
San Miguel will also build a
22-kilometer, six-lane highway to Bulacan.
It earlier awarded the contract for
the engineering, procurement, construction and commissioning of the MRT-7
project to the Marubeni-DMCI consortium.
The mass transit project is
envisioned to carry two million passengers in Metro Manila and Bulacan.
It will traverse the stretch of Commonwealth Ave., known as the widest road in
the country.
The project also involves the
development of commercial establishments in San Jose del Monte City.
Study hard always, Danding
Mga etiketa:
abnormal presidente,
abnoy,
ABNOY AQUINO,
AQUINO GAGO,
crook,
customs,
DANDING,
DBM,
defective personality,
deformed baby,
malnutrition,
masasamang tao,
MUKHANG PERA,
myths,
noynoy,
senile,
sigmeund freud
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